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Rooney Mara: ‘The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo’ character compelling

Rooney Mara says she thinks her edgy character in “The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo” eventually appealed to the film’s audience.

ADVERTISEMENT Mara has been getting good reviews for her performance as Lisbeth Salander, including a Golden Globe nomination, which she says has to do with the character’s many layers.

“I think the thing that makes her such a compelling character is that you do sort of fall instantly in love with her, but at the same time you don’t always agree with what she’s doing and you also question her and you get frustrated by her,” Mara told Parade magazine. “She’s just an incredibly multilayered character.”

Lisbeth makes a strong, if a bit rough, initial impression due to her tattoos, smoking and sexuality, but her character wins out in the end.

“I think that’s with most people — the more you get to know them, the more beautiful they are,” Mara said. “I think that she’s someone you learn to love and appreciate. Looks are sort of secondary to that.”

Rooney Mara: ‘The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo’ character compelling

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Robert Hayes, 1942-2011

”He was the epitome of the radical romantic” … Robert Hayes was the antithesis of an ivory tower academic and no great friend of the big end of town.

As a dashing and brilliant lawyer, Robert Hayes made his mark on Australian society over more than 40 years by battling some of its least glamorous issues on behalf of its most neglected and discounted citizens.

He was one of the first crop of Australian lawyers to emerge from university training with a PhD (Monash University, 1973). Although his first job was in teaching at Monash, his life project – through his students and directly – was to have an impact on the way that the law engaged with society in the real world.

Robert Alexander Hayes was born on January 12, 1942, and grew up in Melbourne. in 1971, it was a combination of instinct, brilliance and mischievousness that had him recruited to Sydney to help to establish Australia’s most revolutionary law school, at the University of NSW. As a young academic, he had also taught at Canada’s McGill and Toronto universities, where he later held visiting professorships.

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When he took time out to practise as a barrister, Hayes’s advanced qualifications attracted the derision of some senior NSW lawyers, to whom intellectualism remained a threat. One of his early students at UNSW, Stuart Littlemore, recalls the treatment received by Hayes at Liverpool District Court, from the demanding judge Ernie Knoblanche. Rejecting a submission from counsel for a co-accused, Judge Knoblanche turned to the new advocate and observed: ”That’s unless Dr Hayes has something academic he wishes to contribute.”

Such was the attitude towards those presenting as too sharp of mind.

An expert in defamation, Hayes was recruited in 1980 as a full-time commissioner of the Australian Law Reform Commission. There he rescued its wayward four-year-old inquiry into privacy law, in time for its chairman, Michael Kirby, to deliver the historic three-volume, 1400-page report in the last days of 1983.

As Kirby remembers it: ”Hayes marshalled a big team of commissioners, consultants and a broad national dialogue to hammer out the fundamental principles of a new national law on privacy protection in the age of computers … [a] major, national legal achievement.”

Despite his intellectual pedigree, however, Hayes was no great friend of the big end of town. As Littlemore describes it, he alternated – depending on the circumstances – between describing himself as the son of a struggling tradesman, and as the son of a highly successful builder, ”quite able to send his sons to a GPS school in Melbourne [Scotch College]”.

He saw the role of a critical lawyer as being to reserve the most acerbic and uncompromising analysis for the most privileged. The more powerful you became in society, the less you should be trusted. He was to instil the same instinct in two generations of Australian law students, across seven universities including also the universities of Queensland and new England and his final home, the University of Western Sydney.

Some of his most lasting impacts stemmed from personal experience, after his daughter was born with down syndrome. With his first wife, Susan (nee Morgan), he wrote a trail-blazing book, Mental retardation: law, policy and administration (1982), transforming legal and policy attitudes by insisting that intellectually impaired people be visible and respected as human beings and citizens. according to Kirby, its impacts reached well beyond mental impairment: ”This became a mantra for all minorities in Australia.”

After Hayes had returned to UNSW and a period as senior member of the federal Administrative Appeals Tribunal, this focus led in 1990 to his appointment, aged 48, as president of the NSW Mental Health Review Tribunal. He held the key post for 10 years, during which time he remarried, to Elayne Hoole, in 1991.

As a law lecturer, Hayes was popular for his humour, style and directness. He confronted career-hungry students with the reality that conflicts over the rights and duties of citizens were often sordid and tragic, and rarely glamorous. his torts lectures began with stories of children being packed off to school by their mother, with fresh egg-and-lettuce sandwiches in their bags, only to mown down by a negligent driver or crushed by a falling building: ”terrible … imagine it … egg and lettuce everywhere”.

Littlemore described Hayes’s jokes as ”execrable … they owed a lot to the Benny Hill school of humour, only not so intellectually difficult”. according to a close friend, Suellen Bullock, Hayes explained his fondness for flying business class because, ”you have attractive women bringing you drinks and responding when you press a buzzer … in a modern marriage there is very little of that nowadays”.

As president of the Mental Health Review Tribunal, however, Hayes’s efforts in the least glamorous areas of the law reached their peak. Striving for fairness, dignity and care for citizens confined to the custody of the state as a result of mental illness – including those once labelled as ”criminally insane” – he led the last line of defence for some of the most misunderstood, marginalised and forgotten members of society.

Hayes collaborated with Michael Eburn to produce Criminal law and procedure in new South Wales (2002), now in its third edition. He remained involved in many community services, including the Intellectual Disability Rights Service and as chairman of Charmian Clift Cottages, a residential program for mothers with mental illness and their children.

Between 2002 and 2004, Hayes had further close engagement with legal practice, as director of studies for the NSW Bar Association. This appointment coincided with more rigorous standards of clinical and continuing legal education. according to Littlemore, ”we were fortunate indeed to have the right man in the right place at the right time … Robert put in place a very high standard of performance that has been upheld, and we are all in his debt”.

During his final academic appointment, at Western Sydney, Hayes continued his research and advocacy on liability, detention and treatment of the mentally ill, in partnership with psychiatric experts. in 2008, with Matthew Large, Chris Ryan and Olav Nielssen, he wrote in the Journal of Medical Ethics on ”the danger of dangerousness” as a criterion for treatment without consent under mental health legislation, when what was needed were criteria that focus on a patient’s capacity to refuse treatment: ”Dangerousness criteria unfairly discriminate against the mentally ill, as they represent an unreasonable barrier to treatment without consent, and they spread the burden of risk that any mentally ill person might become violent across large numbers of mentally ill people who will never become violent.”

With other authors, including Nielssen and Large, Hayes wrote in 2009′s Psychiatry, Psychology and Law on justifications and rationalisations for the civil commitment of sex offenders. While criticising preventive detention as unscientific, unethical and impractical, he showed his grip on the world by acknowledging a ”political reality … that these laws are unlikely to ever be repealed. Hence we also consider how the laws should be applied”. Hayes was the antithesis of an ivory tower academic.

In his later years, Hayes and Elayne established a much-loved second home in the Provencal village of Murs. in early 2010, not long before his diagnosis as terminally ill, he won the affection of a final cohort of French students in a common law master class at the Aix law school of the Universite de Provence.

To Littlemore, Hayes was ”the epitome of the radical romantic … a practical form of radicalism. It was achievable”.

Robert Hayes is survived by Elayne, children Josie, Andrew, Claudia and Edward, and grandchildren Eliza, Lorenzo and Leonard.

A. J. Brown

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The cruelty and injustice of a poorly funded legal aid system

Imagine being jailed for something you didn’t do and help is denied.

TERRY Irving found himself in the wrong place at the wrong time. In 1993, an armed robber held up a bank in Cairns and stole $6230. Meanwhile, Irving was at the nearby pub playing pool. a relaxed and generous man, he lent his car to a couple of blokes for the afternoon. He did not think further of it until he heard the police reporting information about the robbery over the radio, including his car registration. Irving was arrested and charged, despite not matching the physical description.

Irving’s problems became a nightmare when his barrister failed to show up and he met his new one on the morning of the trial. despite the hearing being listed for three days, he was convicted that afternoon and sentenced to eight years in prison.

Irving was denied legal aid funding for an appeal. He went on to represent himself and, unsurprisingly, lost.

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Fortunately, Irving met legal aid solicitor Michael O’Keeffe while in jail. Many inmates will tell you they are innocent, but O’Keeffe was good enough to listen.

Together, they decided to take Irving’s case to the High Court, a task that has cost countless hours of their lives. they applied for legal aid to do so. This was again denied; the reason is still unclear. When the High Court learnt of this, the judges immediately adjourned the hearing and ordered Irving to get legally aided representation.

With legal aid finally granted, the result was breathtaking. the chief justice at the time, Sir Gerard Brennan, expressed ”the gravest misgiving about the circumstances of this case … [It is] a very disturbing situation. and in all of this, the accused has been denied legal aid for his appeal.”

The conviction was quashed, unopposed by the Crown. a retrial was ordered, but Irving had to wait another year in limbo before the State of Queensland decided not to proceed with another prosecution.

Irving and O’Keeffe made a complaint to the UN Human Rights Committee, which found he was subject to a ”manifest injustice”. the UN was critical of the failure to grant legal aid, saying it amounted to a breach of our international obligations, including to provide legal aid to persons facing serious criminal charges.

O’Keeffe then approached law firm Maurice Blackburn and successfully obtained pro bono representation for Irving in his claim for compensation.

This preventable tragedy cost Irving nearly five years of his life. This demonstrates the importance of access to the judicial system: everybody is entitled to a lawyer to guard against such miscarriages of justice. If we had a better-funded legal aid system that could take on more cases, it is less likely that someone like Irving would fall through the cracks of our justice system.

In 1997, the year Irving’s conviction was quashed, legal aid suffered funding cuts under the Howard government. Legal aid is funded in partnership by the Commonwealth and states and territories. the Commonwealth’s share of spending declined from 49 per cent in 1996-97 to 32 per cent in 2009-10. the states and territories have been unable to make up the shortfall.

The lion’s share of this limited resource is spent on criminal and family law cases, many civil legal aid divisions were closed or drastically reduced after these cuts. Today, the means thresholds for civil cases tend to come in below the poverty line, meaning the number of legally aided civil cases (other than family law) is tiny.

Troublingly, the increased complexity of litigation has led to an increase in the cost of cases across all courts by 78 per cent in real terms from 1998 to 2008.

All this has had a devastating effect on access to justice. Everyday people are simply unable to obtain advice on housing, employment and consumer and debt matters. Such advice is desperately needed, particularly in these difficult economic times. instead, the shortfall in legal services must be picked up by overworked community legal centres or pro bono practices in large firms. This is no substitute for a funded system. Many fall through the net or go unrepresented.

The result is Australia has a grossly underfunded system that ends up proving costly. Modelling done on family law matters in Queensland found net efficiency benefits for cases where legal aid funding was available. it was estimated that for every dollar spent on legal aid, we save between $1.64 and $2.25 in fees, court time and other litigation expenses. In other words, this is a positive investment of public money because it saves money elsewhere.

Under the Labor government, we have seen the first increase in federal funding for legal aid since 1997. but there is still a long way to go.

And for Irving, proper funding may provide some comfort that his nightmare would be less likely to happen to anybody else.

Elizabeth O’Shea and Nicole Papaleo are lawyers.

Follow the National Times on Twitter: @NationalTimesAU

The cruelty and injustice of a poorly funded legal aid system

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‘Girl With The Dragon Tattoo’ producer bans New Yorker critic

Not happy … the Girl with the Dragon Tattoo producer Scott Rudin.

Girl with the Dragon Tattoo producer Scott Rudin has flown into a remarkable rage after the new Yorker’s film critic David Denby broke the film’s review embargo.

Denby’s review, a truncated version of which is online now, will run in this week’s edition of the new Yorker, which hits the street over a week before the embargo ends (the film is released on December 26th in the States). Denby put it down to “year-end madness” and pressing weekly deadlines, which didn’t wash with Rudin.

The producer has gone so far as to ban Denby from preview screenings of any of his upcoming films (which includ the latest Coen brothers effort Inside Llewyn Davis and Sacha Baron Cohen’s the Dictator).

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Says Rudin, in a series of emails obtained by IndieWire:

“The needs of the magazine cannot trump your word. the fact that the review is good is immaterial, as I suspect you know. You’ve very badly damaged the movie by doing this, and I could not in good conscience invite you to see another movie of mine again.”

It’s not unusual to have to agree to a review embargo when attending a preview screening; many blockbuster or “event” films come with your signature on the dotted line (and occasionally an embargo will prevent a wave of bad press, if a film is especially dreadful, until people are already buying tickets).

I’m the first to admit I’m new to film criticism: two years in the game, versus eleven years in music criticism. however, the “banning” of Denby brings up some salient points, namely, do critics exist ultimately in the service of labels and studios, or in the service of art (i.e. their own writing, the art they criticise)?

In my book it’s always been the latter; as a part of the Wheeler Centre’s Critical Failure series last year on the topic of music criticism, we discussed the fact that many readers – and editors – expect criticism to be little more than a buyers’ guide. And yet, studios and producers still seem oddly superstitious of the potential power that the critic wields (a strange stance given that it’s leaked footage and scripts that are more likely to damage a film in the lead-up to its release, not a review).

Breaking an embargo is poor professional form, sure, but there are arguably greater implications for criticism, and its status, at play in this instance.

Beyond that, it’s hard to say whether Rudin’s banning of Denby will hold fast – and whether or not it’s a form of publicity in itself.

For more entertainment news visit TheVine.com.au

‘Girl With The Dragon Tattoo’ producer bans New Yorker critic

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Don’t jail Mokbel aide, lawyer pleads

AAP

A Melbourne cleaner who helped Tony Mokbel to flee Australia while on trial for serious drug charges was torn between family loyalty and anger at her involvement, a court has heard.

Mother of six Foula Pantazis, 60, helped Mokbel evade capture after he failed to show up for his drugs trial in 2006.

Pantazis’s husband, sister and daughter were also involved in the enterprise and have all received jail terms for their roles.

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On Monday, prosecutor Fran Dalziel told a Victorian Supreme Court pre-sentence hearing that Pantazis had been roped into the offending by her husband, who was a principal player in the scheme.

Pantazis stood trial in June on a charge of attempting to pervert the course of justice in relation to helping Mokbel, but the trial was aborted when new evidence came to light and she changed her plea to guilty.

Her barrister Leighton Gwynn said Pantazis was ashamed at her actions and her guilty plea should be viewed as a sign of her remorse.

Mr Gwynn said Greek-born Pantazis, who had a grade three education, was torn between family loyalty and anger at her involvement.

“She is at all times following direction,” he said.

“It doesn’t excuse her conduct but it is relevant.”

Mr Gwynn said she believed her husband Byron Pantazis, who was jailed for a minimum six years in March for his role, would die in jail.

She asked that Pantazis receive a wholly suspended sentence, given her previous good character, the impact of jail on her mental health and the delay in her case.

But Justice Simon Whelan rejected the submission, saying Pantazis refused to cooperate with authorities and her guilty plea came late.

The prosecutor said the involvement by Pantazis of her sister in the enterprise was a breach of trust and the scale of the operation had to be considered.

As part of her role, the prosecution alleged Pantazis asked her sister Angela Nissirios to buy mobile phones for use in arranging the fit-out of the luxury yacht in which Mokbel sailed to Greece.

Pantazis arranged for Ms Nissirios to travel to Sydney to buy the yacht and told her to help transport Mokbel out of Victoria to Western Australia where he boarded the vessel.

Pantazis’s Greek bank account was also used by Mokbel’s associates to support his life on the run, Ms Dalziel said.

Pantazis arranged the lease on the apartment in Greece which become Mokbel’s home, and organised for her sister to deliver money and clothes to a Mokbel associate in Athens.

She also personally delivered a suitcase to Mokbel in Greece in June 2007.

Pantazis, of Reservoir, was remanded into custody for sentencing at a date to be fixed.

Mokbel was on bail on a $1 million surety when he failed to show up for trial, and was sentenced in his absence to 12 years’ jail.

He was arrested in 2007 at an Athens cafe and extradited in 2008.

In April, he admitted to drug trafficking but is now seeking to change his plea.

Don’t jail Mokbel aide, lawyer pleads

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